Development Of Reality Television Film Studies Essay

Published: 2020-06-14 11:11:04
4681 words
17 pages
printer Print
essay essay

Category: Film Studies

Type of paper: Essay

This essay has been submitted by a student. This is not an example of the work written by our professional essay writers.

Hey! We can write a custom essay for you.

All possible types of assignments. Written by academics

GET MY ESSAY
There is no uncertainty that world Television plans are designed to pique those who see themselves as possessing highbrow or elect gustatory sensations. Even the middle-brow might good be offended. In its compulsion with sensational scenes of constabulary apprehensions or firearm conflicts, its showing of intimate minutes of peoples lives and its witting entreaty to voyeurism, world Television has been described as a signifier of tabloid telecasting. Reality Television, or world scheduling, is an umbrella term which covers a figure of different formats or plan types whose beginning can be traced to the 1980s. Its distinguishing characteristic is its entreaty to the ‘real’-the audience is made cognizant that the events ( constabulary work, accidents, robberies, societal interactions ) which are blossoming are non fictions but existent occurrences. Reality footage is clearly non the consequence of professionally staged picture shooting. Camera motions are arrhythmic, sounds difficult to spot, illuming is frequently hapless and redacting minimum. The real-life footage is sometimes shot by amateurs who happened to be at the scene of the offense or accident, by camera crews attach toing constabulary or deliverance units on their occupations, or by concealed cameras and surveillance pictures.
The first signifiers of world Television originated in America in the early 1990s with plans such as COPS and LAPD. Programs are structured around the chief dramatic event, such as a auto accident or a violent death ; this is accompanied by eyewitness histories, interviews with household, proclamations from the constabulary. The September 11 terrorist onslaught on the United States has been described by some observers as world Television. The unrecorded telecasting footage of the 2nd hijacked rider jet as it ploughed through the South Tower of the World Trade Center in New York was a hideous sight. It has been claimed that the terrorists intentionally paced the 2nd onslaught to give telecasting crews adequate clip to put up their equipment and movie the catastrophe. Although the coverage by Stationss such as CNN drew on many of the characteristics of world TV-live footage, eyewitness histories, interviews with deliverance workers, the cliff-hanging hunt for survivors-most would be loath to depict the coverage as ‘reality TV ‘ , for two chief grounds.
First, the event was so lurid that observers went out of their manner to play down the horror and potency for voyeurism-features strongly associated with world TV- although movie of the hits and prostration of the towers was replayed invariably. Second, the coverage could non be described as ‘entertainment ‘ in any sense of the word. However, the coverage did bit by bit presume characteristics normally associated with a fictional play. Several hebdomads after the event, people reported that they were still glued to their screens-caught up in the suspense of what would go on next, in the hope of happening subsisters, the desire for closing. In fact, the inquiry as to whether this hideous event did represent a signifier of world Television flexible joints on the extent to which world Television is defined as ‘entertainment ‘ .
Australian media theorist Jane Roscoe defines world Television as a signifier of ‘factual amusement ‘ ( Roscoe 2001, p. 9 ) . To what extent is a series such as COPS, which screens events that daze and disturb, a signifier of factual amusement? Would a documental series on the Second World War or the Gulf War qualify as world Television, that is, factual amusement? The reply depends on a combination of interconnected factors: the declared purpose of the plan ( to capture the ‘real ‘ in existent clip ) , the capable affair ( existent events ) , the presentation of the stuff ( chiefly direct, unchanged footage ) . The composing of the audience besides plays a cardinal function in finding whether or non the footage is viewed as amusement.
The Oxford Dictionary ‘s definition of amusement is to ‘amuse ‘ or to ‘occupy attending pleasantly ‘ . The term ‘agreeably ‘ presumptively includes a assortment of emotional responses such as pleasance, awe, amazement, horror, indignation, suspense, fulfilment-many of these responses would hold been evoked by the coverage of the terrorist onslaught on New York, but it is impossible to state that ‘pleasure ‘ or ‘agreeable ‘ were among them. What world Television does is film over the boundary between telecasting plans which meet the conventional definition of amusement and those which do non. The televised plans on September 11 did non entertain. When the factual event being screened takes the signifier of cataclysmal horror, which is of class capable to different definitions, the definitional position of the plan ( reality Television, intelligence, tele V & A ; eacute ; rit & A ; eacute ; ) becomes blurred. The televised broadcasts of September 11 exceed the definitional boundaries of world Television. The showing of the events of September 11 are more accurately described as ‘crisis Television ‘ ( see Chapter 10 ) .
Media theoretician Arild Fetveit defines world Television as an ‘almost frenetic compulsion with the evidentiary powers of the camera ‘ . The spectator is entertained by the power of the camera to capture the existent, to demo it as it really happened. He argues that the purpose of world Television is to research the ‘visible surface of the here and now ‘ . In analyzing an illustration of Norse world Television footage, which caught the midair hit of two planes, he argues that world Television is at its most intense in the presence of decease. ‘The deepest captivation with the evidential-when slow gesture and repeat serve a close examination of the footage-seems to happen when decease is merely inches off ‘ ( Fetveit 1999, p. 794 ) .
The CNN footage of the terrorist onslaught on the World Trade Center returned once more and once more to the image of the 2nd plane as it slammed into the South Tower, transforming it into a combustion hell. These images were still being replayed hebdomads subsequently. I was told by a friend from the University of California, Berkeley, that since the onslaught there had been a tally on catastrophe heroic poems in video stores. One ground might be that people were seeking to come to footings with terrorist act by invariably play backing versions of fictional scenes of catastrophe ; the catastrophe heroic poem promises closing at the end- something which telecasting coverage of the September 11 onslaught could non offer.
Another signifier of world Television is the docu-soap, such as Sylvania Waters and Popstars. These plans combine the construction ( seriality ) and capable affair ( relationships, household, work ) of the soap opera with a documental attack to presentation. Roscoe argues convincingly that the success of these formats is besides due to the manner the docu-soap draws on the popularity and constructions of the talk show by making ‘a forum for the public presentation of the subjective ‘ , allowing ordinary people do the speaking ( Roscoe 2001, p. 11 ) . Roscoe observes that world Television combines facets of docudrama and fiction. These ‘hybridised signifiers require us to watch in a different manner. They require us to see them as factual, while anticipating us to prosecute our imaginativeness in order to understand the characters and their experiences ‘ ( Roscoe 2001, p. 12 ) . If we consider the significance of world Television in relation to ‘talk ‘ , we can see that more is at interest than the conversation itself. Merely as the world Television camera captures ‘the seeable surface of the here and now ‘ in relation to dramatic dangerous events, the docusoap ‘s privileging of ‘voice ‘ captures the ‘sounds ‘ of ordinary talk.
Audience captivation focuses every bit much on what is said as the manner ( tone, pronunciation, beat ) it is spoken. In contrast to the rehearsed and scripted duologue of telecasting play and the carefully modulated tones of the news reader, the spectator is able to associate straight to the familiar meters and sounds of ad-lib address. Reality Television entreaties non merely to the spectator ‘s captivation with the mundane but besides to the here and now of ocular and aural genuineness. Fetveit argues that world Television, which reclaims ‘the evidentiary quality of picture taking said to be lost after digitalisation ‘ , might stand for ‘a hankering for a lost touch with world [ and ] a sense of connection, of contact with the universe ‘ ( Fetveit 1999, p. 800 ) .
A 3rd and extremely popular signifier of world Television is the ‘reality game show ‘ , such as Survivor and Big Brother-both of which could be said to appeal to audience desire for ‘connectedness ‘ and ‘contact ‘ with ‘ordinary ‘ people. These shows select ‘contestants ‘ , people who do non cognize each other, and put them in a confined environment or some signifier of represented context where they are required to execute pre-established undertakings. In the American Survivor ( first series ) , 16 aliens were taken to a desert island for five hebdomads. Once there they were divided into two squads, forced to vie to last ( for case, by eating unrecorded worms ) , and required to vote members off the island one at a clip, until merely one remained. The subsister won over $ 1 million. Throughout the ordeal, the audience was entertained and entranced by shows of ‘human nature ‘ . The plan attracted 52 million viewing audiences when it was foremost shown on CBS in August 2000.
The desire to uncover the best and worst of human nature is one of the changeless characteristics of world Television plans. The audience of Survivor was wholly occupied, peculiarly by the possibility of being present when the unexpected erupted-liaisons, shows of craft, intimate disclosures, elating minutes, sudden effusions of emotion. The most powerful of such minutes took topographic point in the concluding episode when Susan Hawk confronted her friend Kelly, who she felt had destroyed her opportunity to win the award by voting against her when merely three contestants remained. Her spring of rage ( she called Kelly a ‘two-faced ‘ rat she would merrily feed to vultures ) was precisely the sort of ‘human ‘ minute that Survivor had hoped to present to its addicted viewing audiences. But it besides presented viewing audiences with a play of endurance and the chance to witness human nature in all its complexness. American movie theoretician Bill Nichols writes that ‘the value of world Television may lie in the elated wantonness with which it mocks, or rejects civicmindedness and the positive societal technology behind it ‘ ( Nichols 1999, p. 393 ) .
Capturing an even wider audience, Big Brother added a new dimension to the world game show-interactivity. Originating in Holland, Big Brother has proven popular in many states. By June 2001 there were 40 plans worldwide designed along the lines of Big Brother. In France the series was called Loft Story and attracted 10 million viewing audiences every eventide.
Large Brother intentionally plays on the entreaty of surveillance and voyeurism through its rubric. The term itself comes from George Orwell ‘s incubus novel about the future-1984. Billboards around Australia displayed a big brace of eyes which subjected the passerby to scrutiny while at the same time raising up the promise of size uping others. In Large Brother ( the first series ) , the 12 contestants were carefully selected from a group of 14 000 appliers. Applicants were psychologically profiled to test out those who might be emotionally vulnerable. The 12 contestants were brought together in a specially designed, secluded house ( really a Television set ) for three months ; their every motion was filmed 24 hours a twenty-four hours by 23 concealed cameras-the multiple eyes of George Orwell ‘s ‘Big Brother ‘ . Contestants had no entree to any media ( telecasting, newspapers ) and were non permitted visits from friends or household.
While nil of great import really happened in the house, viewing audiences became addicted to watching ‘reality ‘ unfold minute by minute, hooked on the fiddling, waiting for the unexpected-the sudden effusion, the beginnings of a relationship, scenes of sex, grounds of fraudulence, dirty fast ones, an intimate disclosure, crying tantrums, a minute of compassion. The lone factor which interrupted what appeared to be a ‘real ‘ flow of direct images was the voice of the observer. The stuff seen on telecasting is, of class, extremely edited. Harmonizing to cultural critic Mark Boal, who watched editors compile scenes from Germany ‘s version of Big Brother, the senior editor selected the most ‘riveting scenes ‘ from the up to 100 hours of tape filmed daily in order to make each half-hour plan. The editor ‘orders them into secret plan points that do non ever fit the sequence in which they really happened ‘ ( Overington 2001 ) . A great trade of attempt is expended to do world Television expression ‘real ‘ .
As in Survivor, the participants nominated those who were to be evicted ; the new scheme was that the audience was invited to vote on which of the three house members nominated would really go forth. The victor would be, of class, the concluding remaining house member. The choice money for the victor of the Australian series was $ 250,000. The consequence of this audience interaction was to suture the audience even more steadfastly into the reality-drama. In add-on, the Big Brother Website enabled addicted witnesss to watch ( more confidant ) events in the house every bit good as cast their ballots online and converse with those evicted in chat rooms. The evaluations were dramatic. In Australia, an norm of 1.6 million viewing audiences watched the premiere of the first series. Big Brother ‘s entreaty to the act of watching, to the pleasance of looking, was a major portion of its success. On-line viewing audiences were able to entree the plan round the clock, to subject the contestants to greater examination than in any other world Television game. The series dominated radio talkback, and the first eviction was reported in the newspapers.
Reality Television plans such as Big Brother have proven so popular, and commercially attractive, that telecasting companies have created a series of similar world formats. One of these is Temptation Island. In the US pilot series, four married twosomes were placed on an island in Belize where 26 attractive individual contestants, male and female, awaited them. The purpose was to set every enticement in the manner of the married twosomes, to score one or both and interrupt up their matrimony. Temptation Island plays really straight to the audience ‘s desire to watch ‘reality ‘ sex. The series was strongly criticised by some community groups, who objected to the thought of seeking to destruct a relationship for evaluations and net income.
A peculiarly eccentric version of world Television is Chains of Love. Four male contestants are chained together and locked in a house where their prison guard is a adult female. Big Brother becomes Big Sister. The four work forces are under uninterrupted surveillance. They even sleep together in a big bed and are merely unfettered when they need to travel to the lavatory. The adult female in control, a figure similar to the dominatrix of male erotica, selects the male contestants she wishes to ostracize from the house, once more one at a clip. The adult male she ends up with is the victor ; they portion the award money.
Reality Television has been described as awful, manipulative and adult. It has inspired many articles with belittling rubrics: ‘Has world Television gone excessively far? ‘ ‘Reality Television and its dingbats ‘ , ‘TV tempter puts Peeping Toms in box place ‘ . Reality Television has been described as blatantly voyeuristic-as if media voyeurism were a new phenomenon.
From the earliest yearss of the film camera, witnesss came in droves to see the admirations of the universe ‘s latest innovation. Viewing audiences were fascinated by traveling images of people in real-life state of affairss, walking on the streets, catching trains, go forthing facto- ries after work. Besides popular were brief aflicker scenes of confidant minutes, peculiarly Edison ‘s The Kiss ( 1896 ) , the universe ‘s first movie scene of a twosome embrace. The public gustatory sensation for ocular stimulation was enormous-crowds flocked to wax museums, common people museums, amusement Parkss, cheep shows, view, the new arcades, film houses. Even the Morgue in Paris displayed its dead ( on the stalking-horse of placing unknown organic structures ) to a fascinated populace. The Morgue was listed in guidebooks, pulling every bit many as 40 000 on ‘big yearss, when the narrative of a offense circulated through the popular imperativeness and funny visitants lined the pavement waiting to register though the salle d’exposition to see the victim ‘ ( Schwartz 1995, p. 298 ) .
In add-on, metropoliss grew quickly in the 20th century, and people found themselves, more than of all time before, catching the oculus of aliens in the street, happening themselves the object of the funny glimpse of others. Public desire for looking-at the unfamiliar, alien, aberrant, even cruel-remains unabated, from the beginning of the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Such a desire is no uncertainty every bit old as world ( see the blood athleticss of the Coliseum ) , but non until the coming of modernness, and the outgrowth of modern signifiers of media amusement, has the public gustatory sensation for sensational sights been catered to on such a monolithic graduated table.
Freud defined the act of deducing pleasance from looking, peculiarly titillating pleasance, as scopophilia ( Freud ‘Three essays on the theory of gender ‘ , 1981 ) . Many critics have objected to reality Television on the evidences of its voyeurism, depicting its contestants as so wishful of fame-possessed by the ‘thymotic urge’-that they are prepared to subject to the ‘voyeuristic fetishes of others ‘ ( Podhoretz 2000, p. 52 ) . It could be argued that watching films per Se is a far more ‘voyeuristic ‘ act, in that the film witness is sitting with aliens in a darkened auditorium watching intimate events unfold in a context which hides its manners of production and pretends that the witness is sing direct world. Big Brother, on the other manus, makes no such pretension. All the contestants have agreed to set themselves on show in a unrecorded context-that is an indispensable portion of the plan ‘s construction and entreaty. Voyeurism is an utmost or perverse signifier of looking, in which the Peeping Tom is able to deduce sexual pleasance merely by looking at others who are normally incognizant that they are the object of a concealed regard. Harmonizing to this definition, it seems clear that Large Brother does non appeal to the voyeur-unless we use the term really slackly. Large Brother in fact dramas to a century-old activity of taking pleasance in looking at ‘ordinary ‘ people ( capable to a choice procedure, of class ) being ‘themselves ‘ in the glamourous universe of the media.
If Large Brother entreaties to any inordinate desire in the spectator, it is most likely to be that of self-love: that is, a egotistic signifier of scopophilia. Watching traveling images of other human existences allows the spectator to place with his or her ‘likeness ‘ . In her treatment of the witness ‘s strong impulse to look at and place with movie stars in the film, British movie theoretician Laura Mulvey emphasised this factor. ‘Here, wonder and the wish to look intermingle with a captivation with similitude and acknowledgment: the human face, the human organic structure, the relationship between human signifier and its milieus, the seeable presence of the individual in the universe ‘ ( Mulvey 1975, p. 9 ) . Although Mulvey was speaking about the film, the large screen and the glamourous star, her remarks are peculiarly relevant to Big Brother. However, the screen-spectator relationship is really different. In Large Brother the entreaty is likewise narcissistic-and I am non utilizing the term in a derogative sense-but the desire is to place non with the glamourous star but instead with the person merely like the spectator. The characters, peculiarly the victor, may come to presume a star-like character by the clip of the concluding episode ( another ground for its entreaty ) but, in the chief, the house members are merely like members of the audience. The latter embody a reassuring acquaintance. Viewer captivation is besides related to the chance to place with the day-to-day, everyday, domestic events of the family. Although fiddling, the resulting events come to organize a complex set of interactions and a dynamic web of blossoming relationships.
Although media critics are strongly divided over the ‘worth ‘ of world Television plans such as Big Brother and Survivor, one feature which many agree upon is the manner in which these series cross boundaries and challenge dominant societal tabu. They do so in relation to what should or should non be revealed in public about traditionally private topics related to the organic structure, sex and relationships. ‘It ‘s a moral inquiry that prompts the inquiry of why we consider privatenesss so sacred and how certain topics came to be forbidden ‘ ( Lumby 2001, p. 44 ) . This transgressive facet of the world Television format is besides viewed as deliberate. They ‘license the selfish, the perverse, the flake, although in a manner that ever seems to demand that the audience is cognizant that societal boundaries are what is at interest ‘ ( Bell 2001, p. 110 ) .
Some authors have argued, though non in a negative context, that world Television constitutes a signifier of tabloid telecasting ( Glynn 2000 ) ; others have argued that world Television formats represent a ‘debased ‘ signifier of ethnographic filmmaking ( Bell 2001 ; Nichols 1994 ) . In my position, plans such as Survivor and Big Brother represent a new, postmodern signifier of ethnographic telecasting which is different instead than ‘debased ‘ . In modernist signifiers of ethnographic filmmaking, such as telecasting docudramas, the ‘other ‘ is about ever a pre-industrial, non-western topic ; in postmodern descriptive anthropology the western film maker has turned the camera on western civilization, on its mores, values and life styles.
Dennis O’Rourke ‘s docudramas, Cannibal Tours ( 1987 ) and The Good Woman of Bangkok ( 1991 ) , provide illustrations of the latter. In Cannibal Tours, he takes as his topic a party of European tourers on a trip into the jungles of New Guinea. O’Rourke explores the desires of those filmed, ne’er wavering to expose their less admirable features. The European tourers emerge as the existent cannibals-symbolically devouring the alien life styles of their hosts. The Good Woman of Bangkok explores the life of a female cocotte, but a big portion of the argument about the movie focuses on the film maker himself. Why did he make up one’s mind to do a movie about an Asiatic cocotte? Why does he seek to deliver her from her state of affairs? Was he motivated by racism and/or sexism? Is he being paternalistic? The fact that O’Rourke includes images of himself shooting within the movie infinite suggests that he intended to do himself an object of examination. He besides interviews western work forces who come to Bangkok in hunt of sex. In so making, he turns the camera on the desires of western work forces, subjecting them to an ethnographic regard.
Plans such as Survivor and Big Brother train the camera on the desires, actions, relationships and life styles of a group of ordinary people in the manner of an ethnographic or documental movie in order to allow them ‘reveal ‘ themselves to the sing audience in the manner of postmodern descriptive anthropology. This is possibly the most original and bracing characteristic of this signifier of world Television ; it subverts the conventional ethnographic regard in order to stand for the dominant civilization looking at itself ‘warts and all ‘ . Similarly, the audience is encouraged to place with the state of affairss presented and to inquire themselves whether or non they would do the same determinations and act in the same manner. It is possibly non by accident that Survivor and Survivor II adopted the traditional non-urban locations of ethnographic filmmaking-an island, and the rugged outback. In Survivor II the scene was the Queensland outback, and the group was split into two ‘tribes ‘ . Participants had to larn to work as a community and go to a tribal council one time a hebdomad. The impulse behind the show was clearly ethnographic, right down to the structuring of events.
The plans make it clear that there is no ideal telecasting actor/performer or ideal pre-packaged format. The recent phenomenon of The Osbournes supports this. Whereas shows like Survivor and Big Brother transform ordinary people into famous persons, The Osbournes took a celebrated stone star and turned him into person ordinary. Ozzy Osbourne, a member of the world-famous heavy metal set Black Sabbath, his married woman and two of their progeny, Kelly and Jack, have let telecasting cameras into their Beverly Hills place, and their every motion is filmed, edited down and air to a fascinated populace. The Osbournes has proven the biggest hit of all time for MTV. Possibly one of the grounds for such public involvement is that Ozzy Osbourne is a colorful, perverse figure: he is best known for his disgusting linguistic communication, his head-banging and for seize with teething the caput off a chiropteran during a public presentation. The idea of Ozzy as a household adult male traveling through a day-to-day domestic modus operandi is excessively alluring for fans of world Television. The Osbournes is intriguing non for its disclosure of famous person life styles, but because it shows how ordinary celebrated people are in world.
Ordinariness, the mundane, platitude, familiar-these qualities are indispensable to reality Television. Earlier I discussed the entreaty, for the spectator, of placing with person merely like themselves. Television plans in which ordinary people are the ‘stars ‘ , such as daytime talk plans, new endowment and quiz shows, have proven vastly popular with audiences. Reality Television takes the procedure of popularizing the ordinary even further, spread outing the definition of what constitutes a successful telecasting plan. The contestants, nevertheless, are non ‘innocent ‘ media participants. Although they are non professional histrions, they are still, in a sense, giving a public presentation, playing to the camera, perchance even making a character for the plan. Raised in a universe dominated by the media, telecasting and movie, the participants in world Television conveying a important grade of cognition about moving to the show, a mix of the rehearsed and ad-lib. It is impossible to cognize to what extent the contestants are showing ‘themselves ‘ and/or an image of themselves they have fashioned in response to their cognition of and interaction with the telecasting universe as viewing audiences and consumers.
The extent to which the contestants are besides ‘performing ‘ for their audience raises the inquiry of duty. If reality Television continues to dispute and interrupt assorted sexual and moral tabu, the duty for this should be seen as one shared between contestant, spectator, patron, coder and the assorted media mercantile establishments which promote the plan. The critics of world Television can non merely or simplistically fault ‘the media ‘ for gnawing values and tracking tabu.
If nil else, world Television makes clear that the media are non massive and manipulative entities responsible for scoring the guiltless spectator and destructing the values of alleged good gustatory sensation and ethical behavior. Reality Television makes it clear that significance is actively constructed in the relationship between performing artist and witness, text and audience-even, or peculiarly, when the histrion is an ordinary individual executing without a book. If world Television has violated the boundaries between what is acceptable and unacceptable so it has done so with the engagement and support of its dramatis personae and its sing public. Given the postmodern discourtesy for traditional signifiers and values, world Television promises to offer of all time more expressed and dramatic glances into countries one time considered tabu.

Warning! This essay is not original. Get 100% unique essay within 45 seconds!

GET UNIQUE ESSAY

We can write your paper just for 11.99$

i want to copy...

This essay has been submitted by a student and contain not unique content

People also read